I have neglected writing you for some time. I will now give my reasons. First, I had no time to write for weeks after I received Sister Arabella's [Harriet A. Hastings]³

Arabella's identity is hinted at by her association in these opening lines with “Bro. Hastings’ house.” Arabella was the oldest of the Hastings children, about 17 years old. Her name is given as “Harriet A. Hastings” in her obituary. Ellen White sometimes referred to her as “Arabella” and sometimes as “Harriet” (cf. Lt 5, 1849 [Apr. 21], and Lt 10, 1850 [Mar. 18], with Lt 7, 1851 [July 27], and Lt 3, 1851 [Aug. 11]). Presumably the middle initial stands for “Arabella.”

See: Obituary: “Harriet A. Hastings,” Review, Sept. 5, 1854, p. 31.

kind and welcome letter,^{4
This letter is not in the White Estate archives.} or I should have complied with her request to have answered it within two weeks. I liked the letter very much. We were all interested in the letter and hope my delay will not prevent you from answering this as soon as you read it and I will not wait so long next time.1EGWLM 252.4

James’ [James Springer White] and my health is quite good now. Our home is in Paris [Maine] at Brother Andrews’ [Edward Andrews]⁵

Identity: In a letter to E. P. Butler in 1861 James White goes into some detail about the rent and other payments made to Edward Andrews while the Whites boarded with the Andrews in 1850/1851.

See: James White to E. P. Butler, Dec. 12, 1861.

within a few steps of the post office and printing office. We shall stay here some little time.^{6
The Whites arrived in Paris at the end of October 1850 and moved to Saratoga Springs, New York, in August 1851.
See: Ellen G. White, Lt 26, 1850 (Nov. 1); James White to “Brethren in Jackson,” Aug. 4, 1851.} This is a very kind family, yet quite poor.^{7
Edward Andrews's occupation is listed as “labourer” in the 1850 census. Charles Stevens, a contemporary, speaks of “a small wooden house occupied jointly by Brother and Sister White and Edward Andrews and family.”
See: 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Edward Andrews,” Maine, Oxford County, Paris, p. 190; Charles F. Stevens, [memory statement], n.d., Center for Adventist Research, Andrews University.} Everything here is free as far as they have. We do not think it right to be any expense to them while here.^{8
Subsequently the Whites paid “$1.00 per week for board … and two-fifths of the rent of the whole house.”
See: James White to E. P. Butler, Dec. 12, 1861.} I want to see you all very much and dear Sister Gorham [Elizabeth Gorham].^{9
Identity: See Lt 5, 1849 (Apr. 21), note 25.}1EGWLM 252.5

Our conference at Topsham¹⁰

The sequence of events mentioned in this section can all be dated thanks to James White's report in the Review and Ellen White's letter of November 1: Conference at Topsham—Oct. 12-13; conference at Fairhaven—Oct. 19-20; vision at “Brother Nichols’”—Oct. 21, 1850.

See: “Conferences,” Advent Review, November 1850, p. 72; Ellen G. White, Lt 26, 1850 (Nov. 1).

[Maine] was one of deep interest. Twenty-eight were present; all took part in the meeting.1EGWLM 253.1

Sunday the power of God came upon us like a mighty rushing wind. All arose upon their feet and praised God with a loud voice; it was something as it was when the foundation of the house of God was laid. The voice of weeping could not be told from the voice of shouting.¹¹

A few weeks later, in a vision received on December 24, Ellen White received cautions against “unhealthy and unnecessary excitement” (Ms 11, 1850). See also: Appendix article “Ellen White and Religious Enthusiasm in Early Adventist Experience”; EGWEnc, s.v. “Ecstatic Experiences.”

It was a triumphant time; all were strengthened and refreshed. I never witnessed such a powerful time before.1EGWLM 253.2

Our next Conference was in Fairhaven [Massachusetts]. Brother Bates and wife [Joseph and Prudence M. Bates]¹²

The special mention of Joseph Bates's wife may be of significance. In his published account of this Fairhaven conference, James White added that for years Prudence Bates had rejected the Sabbath and Joseph had kept it alone. But “now she and her husband are walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord.”

See: “Conferences,” Advent Review, November 1850, p. 72.

were present. It was quite a good meeting. On our return to Brother Nichols’ [Otis Nichols],^{13
Identity: In an earlier parallel account, Ellen White adds the information that they had traveled to Dorchester, “where our dear Brother Nichols and family live.” The reference here is clearly to Otis Nichols, of Dorchester, Massachusetts.
See: Ellen G. White, Lt 26, 1850 (Nov. 1); search term “Otis Nichols” in Words of the Pioneers.} the Lord gave me a vision and shewed me that the truth must be made plain upon tables^{14
A reference to prophetic charts. In a letter citing the same vision, written a few weeks earlier, Ellen White wrote, “God shewed me the necessity of getting out a chart. I saw it was needed and that the truth made plain upon tables would … cause souls to come to the knowledge of the truth.” The expression “plain upon tables” was taken from Habakkuk 2:2, 3 and had been applied by Millerites earlier to their use of prophetic charts.
See: Ellen G. White, Lt 26, 1850 (Nov. 1); idem, The Great Controversy, p. 392.} and it would cause many to decide for the truth by the three angels’ message with the two former being made plain upon tables.1EGWLM 253.3

I also saw it was as necessary for the paper to be published as for the messengers to go, for the messengers need a paper to carry with them, containing present truth to put in the hands of those that hear, and then the truth would not fade from the mind, and that the paper would go where the messengers could not go. Other things I saw which will appear in the paper.¹⁵

Ellen G. White, “Dear Brethren and Sisters,” Present Truth, November 1850, p. 87.

How do you all get along? Are you all striving for eternal life? I want to see you very, very much^{16
Ellen White showed added concern for the Hastings family, especially the children, after the death of Mrs. Elvira Hastings in February 1850. The Whites subsequently visited the bereaved family in June 1850, at which time the four eldest children were baptized by James White.
See: Ellen G. White, Lt 10, 1850 (Mar. 18); W. [James White], “Our Tour East,” Advent Review, August 1850, p. 14.} and think I shall before long. Now is the preparation time and I hope we shall all make sure work for eternity. Time looks very short and what we do we must do quickly.1EGWLM 254.1

Nov. 20, one week ago, Brother Henry Nichols [Henry O. Nichols]¹⁷

Identity: Son of Otis Nichols of Dorchester, Massachusetts. According to one source, Henry Nichols “assisted” in the “editorial work” in Paris.

See: Charles F. Stevens [memory statement].

and self went to Topsham. We had just risen from the dinner table Thursday, when one of Bro. Foey's [John Green Foy]^{18
Identity: Surprisingly there is no trace of the name “Foey” in the Review. Neither is there any person by that name in all the state of Maine in the 1850 census. The probability therefore is that there is a spelling discrepancy here. It is likely that Ellen White is referring to John Green Foy, of Brunswick, Maine. Brunswick is just across the Androscoggin River from Topsham, which corresponds with Ellen White's account that they “hastened over the river one mile [1.6 kilometers]” from Topsham. Ellen White later in life reminisced about “Brother Foy and his family of Brunswick” who had “accepted the Sabbath truth” together with the Stockbridge Howland family of nearby Topsham “a few years” after 1844. According to John Foy's obituary in 1861, his wife had died earlier, leaving him with six children. The fact of his wife's prior death fits well with Ellen White's account. The only discrepancy is that Ellen White in this letter gives the number of the Foy children as three, whereas the obituary and the 1850 census mention six children. On balance, however, the evidence in favor of the proposed identity seems to outweigh the discrepancy over the number of children.
See: Search terms “Foey” and “Foy” in Words of the Pioneers; Ellen G. White, Ms 86, 1903 (Aug. 9); obituary: “John G. Foy,” Review, Feb. 26, 1861, p. 119; 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “John B. [sic] Foy,” “Dorcas Foy,” Maine, Cumberland County, Brunswick, p. 231.} children came in and said their mother was insensible. We hastened over the river one mile [1.6 kilometers] and found our dear Sister Foey dying. My distress was great as I found she did not know me. She continued long in great distress until between three and four o'clock and then breathed her last. She has left a husband and three children to mourn her loss.1EGWLM 254.2

Friday morning, Brother Henry came to Paris for James to shave him to attend the funeral. We had a very solemn interesting time. The Lord did not leave us but let His Spirit rest upon us. Sister Foey's last days were decidedly her most spiritual and best days. Brother Foey has this to console him, that she died a Christian. He bears up well. God gives him grace to endure the affliction. Oh, how good it is to have a hope in God that will sustain in all scenes of trial and affliction. Praise God for a hope, a good hope. What would you, any of you, give for your hope?1EGWLM 254.3

Hold fast the faith. Be strong in God and lean upon His everlasting arm. It will never fail you but will bear you up under every affliction. I hope you will all grow stronger and stronger in the truth. Do not falter but press your way to the kingdom.1EGWLM 255.1

One week ago, last Sabbath, we had a very interesting meeting. Brother Hewit¹⁹

Identity: It is possible that “Brother Hewit” was the “Oren Hewitt” (or Hewett), of Dead River, Maine, who sent several letters to first-day Adventist papers during the latter 1840s. Whether there is any connection between that Oren Hewitt and the “Oren Hewett” of New York State mentioned in the Review in the early 1850s cannot be established on the basis of present evidence.

See: “Brother Oren Hewett Writes From Dead River,” Advent Herald, May 8, 1847, p. 111; “Bro. Oren Hewet, Dead River, Me.,” Bible Advocate, Apr. 24, 1847, p. 111; obituary: “Oren Hewett,” Review, May 1, 1855, p. 222; search terms “Oren Hewett” and “O. Hewett” in Words of the Pioneers.

from Dead River [Maine] was there. He came with a message to the effect that the destruction of the wicked and the sleep of the dead was an abomination within a shut door that a woman Jezebel, a prophetess, had brought in, and he believed that I was that woman, Jezebel.^{20
An allusion to “that woman Jezebel, which calleth herself a prophetess” (Rev. 2:20).}1EGWLM 255.2

We told him of some of his errors in the past, that the 1335 days were ended²¹

A reference to the 1335-day prophecy of Daniel 12:12. The united position of Sabbatarian expositors during this and subsequent stages was that the 1335 day/year period had ended in 1843/1844. Ellen White's statement here, however, if taken on its own, is rather ambiguous and could be taken as denying that the 1335 days had ended (and affirming that its fulfillment was still future). Some have cited this Ellen White letter to support the idea of a future literal 1335-day period just preceding the Second Advent. Such an interpretation of the vision, however, runs counter to Ellen White's caution given just one month earlier “that God had not made a test of time since 1844, and that time never again will be a test” (Ms 15, 1850 [Oct. 23]). Therefore the alternative reading of the passage seems preferable, viz.: “We told him … that the 1335 days were ended.” This reading is confirmed if, in fact, “Brother Hewitt” is Oren Hewett, of Dead River, Maine (see note 19 above). Oren Hewett (Hewitt) wrote several supportive letters to The Bible Advocate in 1847, an Adventist paper that repeatedly set new times for the Second Advent, times often held to coincide with the ending of the 1335 days/years (see, e.g., Blakeslee, Wilcox, and Bates below). It would therefore be understandable for Hewett, coming from The Bible Advocate background, to see the 1335 days stretching beyond 1844, and for Ellen White and the Sabbatarians to oppose him on this point.

See: Ellen G. White, Ms 15, 1850 (Oct. 23); E. S. Blakeslee, “Time of the Advent,” Bible Advocate, Sept. 2, 1847, p. 34; L. Wilcox, “Brother L. Wilcox's Letter—Concluded,” Bible Advocate, Apr. 13, 1848, p. 58; Joseph Bates, A Vindication of the Seventh-day Sabbath, pp. 51, 52. For a general survey and critique of a futurist interpretation of this vision and of the 1335 days of Daniel 12, see Alberto R. Timm, “The 1,290 and 1,335 Days of Daniel 12.”

and numerous errors of his. It had but little effect. His darkness was felt upon the meeting and it dragged.1EGWLM 255.3

I felt that I must say a few words. In the name of Jesus, I got up and in about five minutes the meeting changed. Every one felt it at the same instant. Every countenance was lighted up. The presence of God filled the place. Brother Hewit dropped upon his knees and began to cry and pray. I was taken off in vision and saw much that I cannot write. It had a great effect on Bro. Hewit. He confessed it was of God and was humbled in the dust. He has been writing ever since that meeting and is now writing from the same table renouncing all his errors that he has advanced. I believe God is bringing him up and he is calculated to do good, if God moves through him.1EGWLM 256.1

Much love to Dear Sister Gorham. Tell her to be strong. God is with her and He will not leave her. Much love to you all. I hope the children will not get sleepy, but will be interested in the truth and be diligent to make their calling and election sure. Write, be sure and write, and do not do as I have done. I love you, all of you. Write.1EGWLM 256.2

Picture: Ellen White's letter to the “Church in Bro. Hastings’ House,” November 7, 1850 (Lt 28, 1850), with a closing note by James White1EGWLM 257

Picture:1EGWLM 258

Picture:1EGWLM 259

Picture:1EGWLM 260

Lt 26, 1850

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