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The Ellen G. White Letters and Manuscripts: Volume 1 - Contents
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    Ms 9, 1859

    [Circa 1859],1

    The first two and last two paragraphs of this manuscript are very close in wording to the corresponding portions of Ellen White's first major autobiographical book published in 1860, Spiritual Gifts: My Christian Experience, Views and Labors in Connection With the Rise and Progress of the Third Angel's Message. This suggests that the manuscript is a partial draft of that book. Ellen White announced her intention to write an extended autobiographical account already in March 1858, so this manuscript probably dates from the period 1858-1860.

    See: Ellen G. White, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], pp. 49-52; Ellen G. White, in Review, Mar. 25, 1858, p. 152; Arthur L. White, “Spiritual Gifts, Volume II,” Ministry, December 1944, pp. 10-12.

    n.p.1EGWLM 761.1

    Early Experiences in Meeting Fanaticism.1EGWLM 761.2

    Portions of this manuscript are published in Ellen G. White, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], pp. 49-52.

    Meeting fanaticism in Maine during 1845.1EGWLM 761.3

    [I went] over to their house and there saw Sister T. [Jane B. Turner]2

    Jane B. Turner, wife of Joseph Turner. By 1848 Joseph Turner was based in Hartford, Connecticut, where he edited the Bible Advocate and later the Second Advent Watchman.

    See: 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Jane B. Turner,” Connecticut, Hartford County, Hartford City, p. 434.

    and bore my testimony to her which was to comfort her poor, sore heart.3

    During a visit to Claremont, New Hampshire, in the spring of 1845 Ellen Harmon was instructed in vision to return to Maine to “bear testimony” against the “fanatical spirit” of Joseph Turner and John Howell. At a subsequent meeting in Portland, Maine, Joseph Turner was present when Ellen Harmon in vision spoke of Turner's “ungodly course.” Turner rejected this part of her testimony, and Ellen Harmon left the meeting “with anguish of spirit.” She then went to see Turner's wife, and it is there that the narrative picks up in the first paragraph.

    See: Ellen G. White, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], p. 49.

    She was weeping as though her heart would break. She there confirmed the vision which I related to her.4

    Many years later Ellen White gave further details regarding the contents of this vision. It showed Turner “transgressing the commandments, giving attention to other women, and his wife suffering under the great strain.” His distraught wife confirmed the vision relating how her husband would sometimes spend “half the night, and sometimes all night” with Sarah Jordan, sister of William Jordan, “giving her visions.” Ellen White attributed Sarah's “so-called visions” to Turner's “mesmeric passes.” She also related how, sometime later, while in a meeting in Poland, Maine, Turner unsuccessfully tried to “mesmerize” her.

    See: EGWEnc, s.v. “Hypnosis and Mesmerism”; Ellen G. White, “Life Sketches” manuscript, pp. 127, 128, EGWE-GC; idem, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], p. 38; idem, Ms 131, 1906 (Aug. 13).

    We learned from different ones that this one and that one had been set aside. Honest, precious souls had been told that they were rejected of God; that these fanatical persons had flocked to my father's house and made that their stopping place. J. T. [Joseph Turner]5

    In Ms 131, 1906 (Aug. 13), Ellen White related some of these same events using the full name “Joe Turner” or “Joseph Turner.”

    See: Ellen G. White, Ms 131, 1906 (Aug. 13); idem, “Life Sketches” manuscript, pp. 126-128, EGWE-GC.

    and J. H. [John Howell]6

    Identity: In Ms 131, 1906 (Aug. 13), Ellen White related some of these same events using the full name “John Howell.” Although an Advent Christian minister in later years, John Howell (c. 1820-1861) had earlier, in 1845, identified closely with the minority “Bridegroom” Shut Door Adventists. He publicly renounced this position in early 1846. Amid the Adventist theological controversies of the late 1840s and the 1850s, Howell sided with the conditionalists and joined the Advent Christians. Howell's wife, Lucinda S. Howell (later Burdick), was also an active opponent of Ellen White.

    See: “John Howell,” 1860 U.S. Federal Census, Vermont, Rutland County, Poultney, p. 272; David Tallmadge Arthur, “‘Come out of Babylon,’” p. 334; John Howell, “Letter From Bro. Howell,” Voice of Truth, Jan. 21, 1846, pp. 30, 31; John Howell, “Notices,” Bible Advocate, Nov. 11, 1847, p. 112; Ellen G. White, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], pp. 49, 50.

    were leaders in this rank fanaticism. They followed impressions and burdens that led to corruption instead of purity and holiness.1EGWLM 761.4

    Our parents were disgusted as they saw reason and judgment laid aside by them, and impressions were carried out. They protested against it, and as they could not get rid of this company, they closed their house and left the city for Poland [Maine], where my two married sisters [Harriet McCann and Mary Plummer Foss]7

    See: Artemas C. Harmon, ed., The Harmon Genealogy, p. 41; 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Harriet McCann,” Maine, Cumberland County, Poland, p. 34; 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Mary Foss,” Maine, Cumberland County, Poland, p. 46.

    were living. This did not suit J. T. and he told me when we arrived at Portland [Maine] that my father was a doomed man. My mother and sisters might be saved, but my father would be lost. The only reason he offered was because he did not give him possession of his house when he left Portland. His denunciations were bitter. We visited Poland, where my parents were, and again from their mouth we heard the fulfillment of the vision given in New Hampshire.8

    See: Note 3 above regarding this vision. For a survey of the continued strained relationship between Joseph Turner on the one hand and the Whites and Joseph Bates on the other, see Merlin D. Burt, “Sabbatarian Adventism From 1844 to 1849,” pp. 140-146, 151, 348-350.

    1EGWLM 762.1

    I had been shown that they needed help in Orrington [Maine], and that we must go there, for fanaticism had done its work there also; that fanatical spirits had rushed on without judgment until unbelievers became disgusted with their course. These fanatical ones seemed to think that religion consisted in making a noise, being boisterous, rough, and talking in such a manner as to irritate and cause unbelievers to hate them, and then would rejoice that they suffered persecution.9

    Some have rejected statements such as these in which Ellen White claims to have campaigned against “fanaticism” of various kinds in 1845. Such claims, it is said, are conscious or unconscious attempts by Ellen White, many years after the events of 1845, to deny her close association, together with James White, with the fanaticism of the period. However, it needs to be remembered that there is contemporary evidence already from the summer of 1845 showing the opposition of James White (by now closely associated with Ellen Harmon) to the fanatical excesses of some Adventists in Maine. In a letter written by James White on August 19, 1845, and published in the Day-Star, he regretfully affirms that there is “much ground” for the charges of “fanaticism” and that “many of our best brethren were led away from the truths of the blessed Bible.”

    See: Ann Taves, Fits, Trances, and Visions, pp. 159-161; James White, “Letter From Bro. White,” Day-Star, Sept. 6, 1845, pp. 17, 18. For later testimonial evidence of Ellen White's opposition to fanatical behaviors and attitudes, see Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], pp. 301, 302; “A Statement Regarding the Charges of Mrs. L. S. Burdick, by Marion C. S. Truesdail,” Aug. 17, 1875 (DF 266, EGWE-GC).

    Unbelievers were enraged. They could see no consistency in this wild spirit and they made stringent rules that no advent believer should come into town. The innocent here suffered with the guilty. They could not have the privilege of assembling to encourage one another, for even the citizens of the place who were believers were denied this privilege. Sentinels were on the watch to hinder all who should attempt to enter the town.10

    At a town meeting in Orrington on June 25, 1845, i.e., about the same period as Ellen Harmon's second visit described in this letter, action was taken to specifically forbid out-of-town Millerites from entering the town. It was “voted that the selectmen prosecute all persons who come into town and are represented as Idle persons, Brawlers and false pretenders going about town and seducing its inhabitants to the same courses of conduct.” The designations “Idle persons” and “Brawlers” were common legal terms used against Millerites during this period. The high level of public feeling against visiting Millerites is illustrated by an incident three months earlier, at the end of March 1845, in Atkinson, some 40 miles (64 kilometers) northwest of Orrington. According to newspaper reports “a band of men disguised as Indians … forced the doors of a ‘Miller’ meeting in Atkinson and seized and carried off several persons not supposed to belong to the town and threatened to tar and feather the adventists if they held any more meetings.”

    See: Orrington town records, June 25, 1845, Article 2, meeting moderated by Justice of the Peace Joseph Doane; “Atrocious Conduct,” Whig and Courier (Bangor, Maine), Mar. 29, 1845.

    Yet the Lord bade me go. Naturally timid, I would gladly have been excused, but dared not take my own course. My life was not my own.1EGWLM 762.2

    We first visited Brother S's11

    Three persons in this manuscript are identified only by what is presumably the first letter of their surnames: Brother S, Brother B, and Brother W. If the names of all Adventists living in Orrington in 1845 were known it might be possible to match the initials with actual individuals, but no such list is known to exist. A newspaper account in the Bangor Whig and Courier, Feb. 19, 1845, indicated that there were at least “thirty citizens of Orrington” that had been caught up in the “Miller Excitement,” but gave no names. Of greater interest is a notice appearing in several local and out-of-state newspapers on April 28, 1845, and subsequently, reporting that a “Mr. George W. Brown, of Orrington” among other “professors of … belief” in “Millerism” had been arrested. It is therefore at least possible that “Brother B's house,” which Ellen White visited on this occasion, was that of George W. Brown.

    See: “Miller Excitement,” Whig and Courier (Bangor, Maine), Feb. 19, 1845; “Millerism,” Daily Argus (Portland, Maine), Apr. 28, 1845; “Millerism,” Eastern Argus (Portland, Maine), Apr. 28, 1845; “Millerism,” New York Daily Tribune, May 2, 1845.

    family in Orrington. They heartily welcomed us to their home and hearts. Every moment was precious to these hungry children and we sat up till a late hour recounting the trials we had passed through and the refreshing seasons we had enjoyed; and we deplored together the sad state of the cause. I bore a sad and aching heart. It seemed so cruel that the cause of Christ should be injured by injudicious men. Not only were the men injuring their own souls but placing a stigma upon the cause which would not be easily wiped away. Satan was willing to have it so. It suited well his satanic majesty to see the truth mixed with error and then altogether trampled in the dust. He looked with hellish triumph upon the confused, scattered state of God's children.1EGWLM 763.1

    Next morning as we were in the front room two men entered the door leading into the kitchen. Sister S. as she opened the front room door looked pale and motioned to us. We had no baggage. We put on our bonnets and stepped out of the front door. Just then there was quite a gathering at a meetinghouse near by, for it was fast day. We passed on with the people and were not discovered.1EGWLM 764.1

    The meetinghouse was in the direction of Brother B's house, where we wished to call. Gladly were we received. We prayed and wept together. Brother B. said we need not fear being troubled in his house, for no one dared to dictate to him about who he should have in his family and who he should not. He had quite a war spirit against the course the citizens were pursuing. He was only partially in union with our people, but a portion of his family were fully with us.1EGWLM 764.2

    We visited many of the brethren. We were hunted for, but the Lord always directed us out of their way to a place of safety, that, too, without the least effort on our part to conceal ourselves. We were engaged in doing the will of God, going from house to house to visit His tried children.1EGWLM 764.3

    At one house we found them much afflicted. Their children were sick with measles. We prayed for them and the power of God rested upon us. We passed on to Brother W's and then we rode two miles [three kilometers] farther to visit a family in affliction. Sickness was in their dwelling. We prayed with them and the Lord again met with us and comforted us with His love.1EGWLM 764.4

    As we rode to the last place we were noticed by several individuals, but we trusted ourselves in the hands of God. Through the earnest entreaty of a few brethren we visited a family that was in great error. A few months before they were standing in the clear light of truth, and we took sweet counsel together. P. K. [Phebe Knapp],12

    Identity: Phebe Knapp (fl. 1845) was one of several female Millerite visionaries who briefly appeared on the scene in 1845. No further information of her subsequent career has been found in Sabbatarian or other Adventist sources.

    See: Ellen G. White, Lt 2, 1874 (Aug. 24); Merlin D. Burt, “Sabbatarian Adventism From 1844 to 1849,” p. 147.

    a young woman, was with them professing to have visions of God, yet teaching the grossest errors—that the resurrection of the dead had taken place already—and she warned the family she was with not to receive us into their house for we would oppose the truth, referring to the resurrection being past. She taught numerous other absurd errors.1EGWLM 764.5

    As the family saw Sister Foss [Louisa Foss]13

    Identity: In later autobiographical accounts Ellen White wrote of her travels in 1845: “My constant and faithful companion at this time was Sister Louisa Foss, the sister of my brother-in-law.” It therefore seems fairly certain that the “Sister Foss” spoken of here is Louisa Foss.

    See: James White and Ellen G. White, Life Sketches (1880), p. 202.

    and myself coming they fastened the door against us. But we opened it, for the door was insecurely fastened. We entered the dwelling in the name of the Lord. Immediately P. K. [Phebe Knapp] fell to the floor in great apparent agony, crying to the family, “You are in danger, danger, danger.” I had a few moments of calm conversation with the family. I asked them why they showed me so much coldness. When we last parted with them a few months before, our hearts were one. They had not seen me since, but I was the same; I believed just as I did. I asked who had changed? They had changed and not us. They had been influenced by the spirit of error. I told them they had received error which caused our separation. We loved them, but could have no union with their error.1EGWLM 765.1

    I then went into the room where P. K. [Phebe Knapp] was groaning and crying out. I bowed in their midst and asked God to hear me, and for His own glory manifest Himself to these poor, deceived souls, and to show them that we had come to do them good, and to convince them of error, and give them evidence that this was a false burden, and rebuke it. P. K.’s burden left her immediately. After exhorting them faithfully and declaring to them their errors, we left them. I was free. I had performed a disagreeable task and the Lord had sustained me.1EGWLM 765.2

    As Sister Foss and myself walked back we rejoiced in the Lord. The brethren and sisters had not ventured to meet together for some time, but nearly all came together and there was quite a company assembled. It was a time of solemnity, of rejoicing, and weeping. It is impossible to describe such a meeting. There was no noisy shouting, but a solemnity rested upon all. We were suspected of holding a meeting somewhere, and we afterwards learned that persons were sent to Brother W's house to see if we were there, or if there was a meeting. At the time these two men came we were all bowed before God. There was no noise but a peaceful weeping spirit rested upon us. The windows were high so that none of us were noticed from the outside. The men went away satisfied that we were not there.1EGWLM 765.3

    That night I was shown in vision that our work was done in Orrington, that we must leave by daybreak, for men would come to take us and we should suffer abuse. There was but little sleeping that night, for we wished to speak encouragingly to each other as long as we could, for we knew not when we should meet again on earth. Some did not close their eyes that night, and early the next morning we were on our way. Two brethren took us in a rowboat to Camden [Maine], about five miles [eight kilometers].14

    There appears to be an inaccuracy here. From Orrington to Camden, down the Penobscot River would be closer to 50 miles (80 kilometers), rather than five (eight kilometers). In a later recollection (1874) Ellen White writes of “being taken in a small row boat to Belfast,” about 20 miles (32 kilometers) downstream from Orrington. Evidently her memory was not clear on this detail of the journey. Steamboat traffic between Bangor and Portland stopped at several places along the Penobscot River, but it is unclear at which point Ellen Harmon and her companion(s) boarded.

    See: Ellen G. White, Lt 2, 1874 (Aug. 24).

    We stepped on board the large steamboat and rode safely over the water to Portland. We received a letter from Brother W. stating that soon after daylight men came to his house for us, and were very angry when they found we had gone. They met the men who had taken us to the steamboat and whipped them, but their testimony was they scarcely felt the stripes.1EGWLM 765.4

    As I returned to Portland evidence increased of the desolating effects of fanaticism in Maine. J. T. [Joseph Turner] labored to turn my friends and even my relatives against me, and he succeeded in a measure. And what was all this for? It was because I had faithfully told them what had been shown me concerning his fanatical course. And to justify himself he circulated falsehoods to destroy my influence. My lot seemed hard to bear. I sank in discouragement, and my mind wandered for two weeks. My relatives thought I could not live. But the brethren and sisters met together to pray for me. I was sensible to their earnest, effectual prayers. The power of the strong foe was broken, and I was released from his grasp and was immediately taken off in vision.1EGWLM 766.1

    In this view I saw that the opposition of man and a human influence should never afflict me again. If I felt an influence affecting my testimony I was to cry to God, wherever I should be, for another angel. One was guarding me continually and I should have another to strengthen me when it was necessary, and raise me above the power of any earthly influence.15

    Sometime later, while in Poland, Maine, Ellen White was involved in a dramatic confrontation with Joseph Turner. “I remembered the promise which the Lord had given me. … I then raised my hands to heaven and earnestly cried, Another angel, Father! another angel!”

    See: Ellen G. White, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], p. 63.

    I saw then for the first time the glory of the new earth as follows. [Manuscript ends here. See Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], pp. 52-55, for a description of Ellen White's vision of the new earth.]1EGWLM 766.2

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