Lt 7, 1854

[July 1854, Rochester, New York]¹

This letter was apparently written in 1854, after the return of the Whites from their second visit to Michigan. The incidents mentioned in this letter clearly parallel those found in the Spiritual Gifts account, which can be firmly dated 1854. Concerning the exact date of Lt 7 we are helped by Ellen White's information that James White had left for “tent meetings” in Vermont on the day of her writing. From the Review we learn that the Vermont tent meetings started on July 21, 1854, so presumably James would have left Rochester, New York, some days prior to that. Lt 7 would not have been written earlier than July 12, since Ellen mentions a letter she has sent to “Brother Pearsall,” and a letter to Pearsall of that date is found in the White Estate archives.

See: Ellen G. White, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], p. 191; “Vermont Tent,” Review, Aug. 15, 1854, p. 4; Ellen G. White, Lt 3, 1854 (July 12).

1EGWLM 434.1

Letter to
John Norton and Mary Walker Loughborough.²

Identity: It is safe to assume that Ellen White is here addressing John and Mary Loughborough, the best known John and Mary couple of this period. There is supporting evidence for this position, in particular the postscript that places John and Mary in or near Jackson. That corresponds well with the fact that John Loughborough made Jackson, Michigan, his base during the summer of 1854 while engaging in tent evangelism in various places in that state. Less tangible is the hint in the opening sentences that the Whites had recently met John and Mary. Here again we know that the two families had met as recently as the previous month at the tent meeting in Grand Rapids, Michigan, June 16-18, and had attended other meetings together in May.

See: Search term “Loughborough” in Words of the Pioneers; J. N. Loughborough, “Recollections of the Past—No. 11,” Review, Feb. 24, 1885, p. 122.

1EGWLM 434.2

Portions of this letter are published in Ellen G. White, Manuscript Releases, vol. 7, pp. 259, 352.

News of the serious sickness of two members of the White household: Anna White and Clarissa Bonfoey.1EGWLM 434.3

Dear Brother John and Sister Mary:

I have written off the vision for you as soon as I could.³

Which vision is referred to here? The language suggests that the vision was recent and that the Loughboroughs were well acquainted with it. John Loughborough had in fact either witnessed or been close by during two of Ellen White's recent visions, in Sylvan, Michigan, on May 13 and in Grand Rapids, Michigan, on June 18. The likelihood is that Ellen White is referring to the Grand Rapids vision since she speaks further on of having sent a copy of the vision to “Brother Pearsall.” The White Estate archives do in fact contain a letter to “Brother and Sister Pearsall” dated just before this letter—July 12, 1854—the opening line of which reads “in the vision at Grand Rapids I was shown something of your case.” As to the contents of the June 18 vision little is known besides the fragment dealing with Brother Pearsall and John Loughborough's summary: “This vision was full of instruction, reproof, and counsel, for the church present, and also encouragement of success for the tent enterprise.”

See: J. N. Loughborough, “Recollections of the Past—No. 10,” Review, Jan. 27, 1885, p. 57; idem, “Recollections of the Past—No. 11,” Review, Feb. 24, 1885, p. 122; Ellen G. White, Lt 3, 1854 (July 12).

1EGWLM 434.4

I came home from Michigan as you will know expecting to get rest, but we did not get home until Friday, the very day the conference commenced.⁴

The Whites returned to Rochester on Friday, June 23, 1854, after a seven-week journey through Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin. The day of their return coincided with the opening day of a major conference held June 23-26 in Rochester.

See: J. N. Andrews, Uriah Smith, “Rochester Conference,” Review, July 4, 1854, p. 173; Western Tour,” Review, July 4, 1854, p. 172.

That day our house was crowded and was so all through the conference. As soon as the conference closed Clarissa5

Identity: In a parallel account given in Spiritual Gifts the surname Bonfoey is given. “After the labor of the conference was over, Sr. Bonfoey was taken down with the fever and ague.” Clarissa Bonfoey had assisted in the White household for a number of years, but there are several references to her sicknesses and frail health. She died two years later at age 35.

See: Ellen G. White, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], p. 191.

[Clarissa M. Bonfoey] was taken sick with fever and ague, and when we returned from the West we found that Anna [Anna White] had greatly changed. Consumption has marked her for his victim, and to all human appearance in a few months she will be laid by Nathaniel's [Nathaniel White]6

Identity: Anna White and her brother Nathaniel, siblings of James White, came to live with the Whites in Rochester in November 1852. Already in poor health on arrival, Nathaniel died of tuberculosis six months later, in May 1853, “in the 22nd year of his age.” Anna, also described as “very feeble” on arrival, died of the same illness in November 1854, age 25.

See: [James White], A Brief Account of the Last Sickness and Death of Nathaniel White, p. 3; obituary: “Anna White,” Review, Dec. 12, 1854, p. 135.

side. We have had a serious time. I found Clarissa and Anna could not eat, had no appetite, and our family did not understand providing for the sick. The conference brought so much labor upon the family they had all they could do, and I was obliged to keep on my feet day after day to wait upon the sick until my feet at night would be blistered, and it was impossible for me to rest I was so exhausted.1EGWLM 435.1

Clarissa was very low and two or three times a day we labored in prayer to have the power of the enemy rebuked upon Clarissa. The anxiety of my mind was very great, it has been wrought up to the highest pitch.1EGWLM 435.2

Sister Seely⁷

Identity: Probably Laura Seeley (also spelled Seely), wife of David Seeley. Laura Seeley's obituary in 1860 describes her as “the very first” in Rochester “to receive the third [angel's message] and come out on the Sabbath of the Lord,” so she would presumably have been there when this letter was written six years earlier, in 1854.

See: Obituary: “Laura Seely,” Review, June 5, 1860, p. 23.

lives the next house to us, and there was Brother Rhodes [Samuel W. Rhodes]8

Identity: In a letter to the Review some months later S. W. Rhodes tells of “the ague and fever with which I was so severely attacked last June at Rochester [which] stayed fast by me … until Aug. 29th.” This corresponds well with Ellen White's description in this letter of “Brother Rhodes” as being “sick with fever and ague [chills]” in Rochester, and confirms his full identity.

See: S. W. Rhodes, “From Bro. Rhodes,” Review, Nov. 7, 1854, p. 102.

sick with fever and ague, and a few days since Brother John Andrews [John N. Andrews] was taken down with the fever and ague. He had two or three days [of] chills here,9

Notices regarding J. N. Andrews's failing health started to appear in the Review in March 1854. In November or December 1854 the Whites took him into their own home, giving him “the best room in the house.” By February 1855 James White described Andrews as “broken down at the age of 25.” Sometime in May 1855, still not restored, Andrews left Rochester to help on his father's farm in Paris, Maine, hoping to regain his health.

See: “To Correspondents,” Review, Mar. 7, 1854, p. 56; James White to “Dear Brother,” Feb. 9, 1855; “The Office,” Review, Feb. 20, 1855, p. 182; “Business,” Review, May 29, 1855, p. 240.

but he has now gone to Brother Orton's [Jonathan T. Orton].10

Identity: The only Ortons known to live in Rochester during this time are Jonathan T. Orton and his wife, Caroline. They lived very close to the Whites’ house at 109 Monroe Street.

See: Search term “Orton” in Words of the Pioneers; Jon K. Clayburn, ed., Rochester's Adventist Heritage, p. 50.

1EGWLM 435.3

Anna and Clarissa have been very, very sick. The power of the enemy was broken upon Clarissa about two weeks since, yet her chills continued until yesterday. She and Anna have been unable to labor at all. My sewing has laid almost entirely still. I have been disheartened and nearly discouraged to have so many sick around. I have to have a care in this family that I ought not to have, yet I have felt thankful that my health is so good, but I am getting worn out.¹¹

Ellen White's pregnancy undoubtedly contributed to her tiredness. Her third son, William Clarence, would be born in another five or six weeks, on August 29, 1854.

See: James White to “Brother and Sister Smith,” Aug. 29, 1854.

1EGWLM 436.1

This morning we anointed Anna and prayed for her, just before James left for Vt.¹²

This paragraph adds the detail that James White left to attend tent meetings in Vermont. On July 21, 1854, the first tent meetings to be held in Vermont opened in Waitsfield, with James White present. Allowing a few days to reach his destination, we can assume that White left Rochester in mid-July, which also gives us the approximate date of the letter, since it was written on the day of his departure.

See: J. N. Loughborough, Rise and Progress of the Seventh-day Adventists, p. 203; “Vermont Tent,” Review, Aug. 15, 1854, p. 4.

Anna has neglected her own case, seemed to be rather stupid to her own condition, until we have feared much it was too late for her. Our trust now is in God, but Anna to all appearance is marked for the grave. We have had some faith that God will have compassion and save her to labor for Him. She has had no faith for herself, but now is aroused some to take hold of God. The above is my excuse for not writing before. I am not going to get down or get discouraged, but do pray for me. I need your prayers. We are trying to hold on to faith. James has gone to Vt. to attend the tent meetings there. I felt that it was his duty to go. I would request the brethren and sisters to remember us in their prayers. Write us often. You must not expect an answer, this is the last letter I can write you for it wearies me much. I have written and sent the vision to Brother Fitch and one to Brother Pearsall [Alfred B. Pearsall], also one to Brother and Sister Brooks and the band in Bedford. I have attempted to write the vision to Brother Frisbie [Joseph Birchard Frisbie], but had no liberty to write.13

Of the four letters mentioned here, only the letter to Brother Pearsall has survived.

See: Ellen G. White, Lt 3, 1854 (July 12).

1EGWLM 436.2

Much love to all.1EGWLM 437.1

E. G. White

I meant to have written Brother Smith's family but am too tired. They must excuse me now. I will say that I was very sorry that I did not know when the box of books went to Jackson so that your things did not go, Mary, nor the manuscript. I meant to have sent about Luman, and the frame of the purse Brother Dodge [Abram A. Dodge] spoke of. I was sorry but James did not think to speak to me about it till it was mailed and in the wagon.1EGWLM 437.2

I would say I spoke of quilts when I was West but I hope none will trouble themselves or rob themselves to send [to] me. We have enough to reach around and if we have a smaller family next spring can do without any more. I spoke about having some strips of carpet woven. I have been thinking we might do without them very well, especially if we reduce our family. So don't trouble about them.1EGWLM 437.3

I received a letter from Sister Kellogg.¹⁴

This letter is not in the White Estate archives.

Thank her for writing. It does not tire me too much. Will write her soon.1EGWLM 437.4

Much love to each member of Brother Smith's family, also to Bro. and Sister. Their great kindness will never be forgotten by me.¹⁵

The greetings to various members in Jackson no doubt reflect the generosity and hospitality the Whites had received from the Jackson members on several occasions in 1853 and 1854 during their travels in Michigan.

1EGWLM 437.5